Opinion

Brazil’s return to international development under Lula 3.0

Published on 29 August 2023

Lídia Cabral

Rural Futures Cluster Lead

Sérgio Sauer

Centre for Sustainable Development, University of Brasília

Melissa Pomeroy, Director, ASUL

The return of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to the presidency of Brazil has been met with much expectation worldwide. During a visit to China, he announced that ‘Brazil is back’ to the international stage. Focusing on the food, climate, and South-South cooperation agendas, we consider his government’s priorities and challenges ahead.

People sitting in a classroom attending a session
Caption: Exploring what to expect on food, climate and South-South cooperation policy at a workshop in Brasília, May 2023. Credit: Anderson Silva.

Lula’s third government took office in January 2023. It follows the controversial administration of President Jair Bolsonaro (2019-22), who oversaw the reversal of multiple progressive policies, adopted controversial and regressive stances on climate and social rights, and seriously mismanaged the Covid-19 pandemic. Lula’s pledge to refocus on hunger eradication, protect all biomes, particularly the Amazon, recognise the territorial rights of indigenous peoples, and re-engage with international initiatives on climate and Southern diplomacy make a stark contrast with his predecessor. But with a country deeply divided following polarising elections, the rebuilding of a progressive policy pathway will not be easy. In 2023, Brazil’s economy and balance of forces in the National Congress look very different from 2003, when Lula was first sworn in as president. The international context also changed, as the effects of the pandemic continue to shake the world economy and new geopolitical fault lines are traced as result of the war in Ukraine. So, given the current domestic and international context, what will Brazil’s return to international development look like? This is the first of five blogs exploring this question.

Debating priorities and the road ahead

We draw on discussions held recently in Brasília, as part of a policy workshop that brough together experts from academia, civil society and government. The workshop was hosted by the Centro de Desenvolvimento Sustentável at the University of Brasília and co-organised with IDS, the Centro de Estudos e Articulação da Cooperação Sul-Sul (ASUL, a Brazilian think tank) and the Observatório de Conflitos Socioambientais do Matopiba (a network of researchers and activists). The programme focused on policy priorities in the areas of food, climate, South-South cooperation and challenges and opportunities ahead. It was attended by 85 participants from Brazil and the UK.

In this blog, we outline some of the emerging issues regarding Brazil’s return, including first signs of policy change and challenges ahead. Four additional blogs will follow, with further analysis on the priorities and challenges related to hunger and food insecurity, climate justice, and South-South cooperation.

A breath of fresh air

The first signs of chance are welcome and promising. The third Lula government includes a new Ministry of Indigenous Peoples headed by Sonia Guajajara, the first-ever cabinet minister of indigenous background and with a career dedicated to indigenous rights activism. This small step towards historical reparation of indigenous peoples’ genocide and enduring violation of their territorial rights is motive for much celebration. Yet, turning this significant and symbolic institutional measure into actual change on the ground will not be immediate or straightforward.

Another welcomed change was the reinstatement of the Ministry of Agrarian Development-MDA (stripped of funding by Bolsonaro), to oversee policies for family farmers and agrarian reform. Family farming constitutes 77% percent of farming units in Brazil and is claimed to produce the bulk of staple food consumed by Brazilians. The return of this ministry sees the resurfacing of institutional dualism in Brazil’s agricultural policy, as MDA will compete for resources with the Ministry of Agriculture, which devises policies for large, monocrop farms, known as agribusiness. Yet, MDA will give a boost to key policy instruments benefiting family farmers, increasing finance and investment, and renew land policies, recognition, and demarcation of indigenous lands and Quilombola communities.

Another positive announcement is the return of policies against hunger and food and nutrition security programmes. These are responding to the recent rise in hunger and food insecurity as result of the pandemic and the dismantling of key public policies. Eradicating hunger was placed as the number one policy commitment by Lula in his victory speech on the night of the election. The reinstatement of the National Food and Nutrition Security Council-CONSEA reactivates a strategic space for dialogue between government and civil society, which will drive the rebuilding of public policies in this area.

On the climate front, Lula has pledged to reverse the damaged cause by the Bolsonaro administration, work towards zero deforestation of the Amazon and revert the degradation of all Brazilian biomes. This offers an opportunity to highlight the predicament of the Cerrado, which gets less attention in international climate debates. At the workshop, Edel de Moraes, Secretária de Povos e Comunidades Tradicionais e Desenvolvimento Rural Sustentável of the new Ministry of Environment and Climate Change, reminded us that: “the Cerrado is the caddle of waters for the Amazon” and should not be forgotten.

A bumpy road ahead

Despite these encouraging signs, the new government is being tested on multiple fronts. A major hurdle is getting legislation through the National Congress, where Lula faces much opposition, particularly on land and climate issues by a strong conservative caucus known as bancada ruralista. The most recent illustration was the removal of the crucial role of indigenous territory demarcation from the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples, as a way of weakening a ministry that is regarded as a threat to the continuing expansion of the agricultural frontier.

The government also faces budgetary constraints to finance social politics at home, which will in turn limit the scope for sharing successful policies and innovations with other countries. This may, however, boost the idea of mutual benefits, a guiding principle of Brazilian South-South cooperation. The new administration has inherited a dismantled policy apparatus, which will constrain international engagement. Yet, this could encourage an attitude of learning from other developing countries, and true reciprocity.

Finally, Lula has emphasised his intention to re-engage in multilateral spaces such as the G20 and the BRICS and find common positions with other Southern nations on the climate agenda (for instance with Indonesia and DRC on rainforest preservation). While Brazil commits to zero deforestation by 2030, it strongly supports the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. The “return of a “proud and active” (“altiva e ativa”) approach to foreign policy is to be expected. At home, however, there is much left to do to translate this discourse into action, and tackle climate injustices (such as those suffered by indigenous peoples and Brazilian territories) while addressing inequities related to hunger and food insecurity.

Expectant but vigilant – a tune for the times ahead

Overall, there are reasons to be hopeful. The direction of travel on climate, hunger, food insecurity and international engagement is broadly sound and attentive to injustices faced by people and territories. But the journey will, inevitably, be tortuous, and civil society (including researchers and social movements) should remain vigilant, while aware of the complex dynamics between government and Congress in a deeply divided nation. It is reassuring, however, to see the channels of dialogue with government being reinstated, so that civil society can once again play its role of critical enabler of public policy.

Read the next blog in the ‘Brazil’s Return’ series 

Disclaimer
The views expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author/s and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of IDS.

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About this opinion

Programmes and centres
Food Equity Centre Brazil IDS Initiative
Region
Brazil

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